lupo-de-mare
Gesperrt
Was der AACL jetzt verbreitet, als Motor und Anstifter für die Balkan Massaker, ist bereits historische Lüge und Fälschung.
Z.B. sind die Terroristischen Aktionen der UCK in 1998, bestens durch Robert Gelbard bekannt geworden,als zuständigen US Beamten.
The Kosovo Liberation Army: Does Clinton Policy Support Group with Terror, Drug Ties?
From 'Terrorists' to 'Partners'
..........................................
" 'The violence we have seen growing is incredibly dangerous,' Gelbard said. He criticized violence 'promulgated by the (Serb) police' and condemned the actions of an ethnic Albanian underground group Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) which has claimed responsibility for a series of attacks on Serb targets. 'We condemn very strongly terrorist actions in Kosovo. The UCK is, without any questions, a terrorist group,' Gelbard said." [Agence France Presse, 2/23/98]
http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/fr033199.htm
Kosova on Trial
By Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi
When the trial of Fatmir Limaj, Isak Musliu, and Haradin Bala begins at the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague on November 15 in the same courtroom where former Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic is being tried, I hope that the irony and injustice of the situation is not lost.
After waging four wars of aggression in the Balkans—wars that left more than 300,000 men, women, and children dead and four million displaced—Slobodan Milosevic was extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague on June 28, 2001. The international community hailed his arrest as a major milestone in bringing peace to Southeast Europe. Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians, the principal victims of Milosevic’s genocidal march across the Balkans, greeted his extradition for war crimes and genocide as long-awaited justice and the end of a reign of terror. Few could have imagined then that three years later Milosevic would still be on trial and former members of the Kosova Liberation Army would also be sent to The Hague to stand trial for war crimes.
No one could have imagined then that—after a decade of murder and atrocities by Milosevic’s henchmen—the only charges leveled by the ICTY in relation to war crimes in Kosova prior to 1999 would be against three Kosovar Albanians. Or that Limaj, Musliu, and Bala would be subjected to discriminatory treatment. Unlike Milosevic, they are blindfolded in transit from the prison to the court room and back, and for one month they are being held incommunicado, with access only to their lawyers.
The ICTY was established through a special resolution of the UN Security Council to achieve fairness and to bring peace to the Balkans, and to some extent it has succeeded in carrying out its mission. But in its attempt to appear “ethnically balanced,” the ICTY is attempting to introduce moral equivalency to the crimes committed in the Balkans, which is yet another injustice meted out to Milosevic’s victims. When the trial of Fatmir Limaj, Isak Musliu, and Haradin Bala opens, a false parity will be created between Kosovar Albanians who defended their people against mass murder and mass expulsion and the perpetrators of state-sponsored terrorism led by Slobodan Milosevic. It is an appropriate time to ask whether the tribunal, in investigating former members of the KLA, is under pressure to rewrite history by equalizing responsibility for the Balkan wars for political purposes having nothing to do with basic justice.
It is crucial to remind ourselves of what has actually happened in Kosova over the past fifteen years. In 1989, Slobodan Milosevic rose to power by fanning the flames of deeply-rooted anti-Albanian racism in Serbian society. On March 28 of that year, he illegally occupied Kosova, an autonomous province in the former Yugoslavia. Albanian radio and television stations, schools, and clinics were closed, businesses were seized, 100,000 Albanians were fired from their jobs, and Kosova’s legally elected assembly was dissolved. Dissent was met with imprisonment, torture, and murder. In a heinous example of the regime’s brutality, 7,000 Albanian children were poisoned at school by a chemical substance, fortunately none fatally, on March 23, 1990.
For close to a decade, Milosevic and his henchmen conducted a reign of terror in Kosova with impunity. When Serbian military and paramilitary forces attacked the village of Prekaz in February 1998, killing forty-five members of Adem Jashari’s family in cold blood, the Kosova Liberation Army, a decentralized guerilla force, rose up to defend the civilian population. By the fall of 1998, Serbian troops had raped, pillaged, and murdered their way across rural Kosova, forcing 400,000 Albanians to flee. The international community responded by placing a small group of unarmed monitors on the ground. In January 1999, these monitors discovered the remains of Albanian civilians shot at point-blank range in the village of Racak. By March, when NATO finally intervened to stop the carnage, more than 90 percent of all ethnic Albanians had been expelled from their homes. Some 600,000 were struggling to survive in Kosova’s forests and mountain valleys, while almost as many had been forced
onto cattle cars bound for camps in Macedonia and Albania.
This is the history that must not be forgotten on the eve of the trial of former members of the Kosova Liberation Army, who are revered by Kosovar Albanians as heroes. If the ICTY becomes an instrument of those who want to see the Kosovar fighters in the same place as those who ordered and executed the most atrocious crimes to occur in Europe since the Nazi era, history will have been most cruelly rewritten, and the wider search for peace and justice in the Balkans will have been lost.
November 13, 2004
Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi is Balkan Affairs Adviser to the Albanian American Civic League.
http://listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0411c&L=albanews&F=&S=&P=3378
Z.B. sind die Terroristischen Aktionen der UCK in 1998, bestens durch Robert Gelbard bekannt geworden,als zuständigen US Beamten.
The Kosovo Liberation Army: Does Clinton Policy Support Group with Terror, Drug Ties?
From 'Terrorists' to 'Partners'
..........................................
" 'The violence we have seen growing is incredibly dangerous,' Gelbard said. He criticized violence 'promulgated by the (Serb) police' and condemned the actions of an ethnic Albanian underground group Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) which has claimed responsibility for a series of attacks on Serb targets. 'We condemn very strongly terrorist actions in Kosovo. The UCK is, without any questions, a terrorist group,' Gelbard said." [Agence France Presse, 2/23/98]
http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/fr033199.htm
Kosova on Trial
By Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi
When the trial of Fatmir Limaj, Isak Musliu, and Haradin Bala begins at the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague on November 15 in the same courtroom where former Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic is being tried, I hope that the irony and injustice of the situation is not lost.
After waging four wars of aggression in the Balkans—wars that left more than 300,000 men, women, and children dead and four million displaced—Slobodan Milosevic was extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague on June 28, 2001. The international community hailed his arrest as a major milestone in bringing peace to Southeast Europe. Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians, the principal victims of Milosevic’s genocidal march across the Balkans, greeted his extradition for war crimes and genocide as long-awaited justice and the end of a reign of terror. Few could have imagined then that three years later Milosevic would still be on trial and former members of the Kosova Liberation Army would also be sent to The Hague to stand trial for war crimes.
No one could have imagined then that—after a decade of murder and atrocities by Milosevic’s henchmen—the only charges leveled by the ICTY in relation to war crimes in Kosova prior to 1999 would be against three Kosovar Albanians. Or that Limaj, Musliu, and Bala would be subjected to discriminatory treatment. Unlike Milosevic, they are blindfolded in transit from the prison to the court room and back, and for one month they are being held incommunicado, with access only to their lawyers.
The ICTY was established through a special resolution of the UN Security Council to achieve fairness and to bring peace to the Balkans, and to some extent it has succeeded in carrying out its mission. But in its attempt to appear “ethnically balanced,” the ICTY is attempting to introduce moral equivalency to the crimes committed in the Balkans, which is yet another injustice meted out to Milosevic’s victims. When the trial of Fatmir Limaj, Isak Musliu, and Haradin Bala opens, a false parity will be created between Kosovar Albanians who defended their people against mass murder and mass expulsion and the perpetrators of state-sponsored terrorism led by Slobodan Milosevic. It is an appropriate time to ask whether the tribunal, in investigating former members of the KLA, is under pressure to rewrite history by equalizing responsibility for the Balkan wars for political purposes having nothing to do with basic justice.
It is crucial to remind ourselves of what has actually happened in Kosova over the past fifteen years. In 1989, Slobodan Milosevic rose to power by fanning the flames of deeply-rooted anti-Albanian racism in Serbian society. On March 28 of that year, he illegally occupied Kosova, an autonomous province in the former Yugoslavia. Albanian radio and television stations, schools, and clinics were closed, businesses were seized, 100,000 Albanians were fired from their jobs, and Kosova’s legally elected assembly was dissolved. Dissent was met with imprisonment, torture, and murder. In a heinous example of the regime’s brutality, 7,000 Albanian children were poisoned at school by a chemical substance, fortunately none fatally, on March 23, 1990.
For close to a decade, Milosevic and his henchmen conducted a reign of terror in Kosova with impunity. When Serbian military and paramilitary forces attacked the village of Prekaz in February 1998, killing forty-five members of Adem Jashari’s family in cold blood, the Kosova Liberation Army, a decentralized guerilla force, rose up to defend the civilian population. By the fall of 1998, Serbian troops had raped, pillaged, and murdered their way across rural Kosova, forcing 400,000 Albanians to flee. The international community responded by placing a small group of unarmed monitors on the ground. In January 1999, these monitors discovered the remains of Albanian civilians shot at point-blank range in the village of Racak. By March, when NATO finally intervened to stop the carnage, more than 90 percent of all ethnic Albanians had been expelled from their homes. Some 600,000 were struggling to survive in Kosova’s forests and mountain valleys, while almost as many had been forced
onto cattle cars bound for camps in Macedonia and Albania.
This is the history that must not be forgotten on the eve of the trial of former members of the Kosova Liberation Army, who are revered by Kosovar Albanians as heroes. If the ICTY becomes an instrument of those who want to see the Kosovar fighters in the same place as those who ordered and executed the most atrocious crimes to occur in Europe since the Nazi era, history will have been most cruelly rewritten, and the wider search for peace and justice in the Balkans will have been lost.
November 13, 2004
Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi is Balkan Affairs Adviser to the Albanian American Civic League.
http://listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0411c&L=albanews&F=&S=&P=3378
