Aktuelles
  • Herzlich Willkommen im Balkanforum
    Sind Sie neu hier? Dann werden Sie Mitglied in unserer Community.
    Bitte hier registrieren

Ägypten News

Rede Moursis nach seinem Sturz:

In the name of God, The Most Gracious, The Most Merciful.
"And hold fast, all together, by the rope of Allah and be not divided." (Qur'an 3:104)
I address all Egyptians, the opposition and the supporters, and would like to raise their children and grandchildren in a modern state, the Egyptian state, a state that we all deserve, that has access to all the instruments of stability, production capacity, development, and true freedom and social justice, and the value which Egypt deserves among the countries of the world.
Egypt has been invaded many times throughout its history, and its enemies came between its people and its potential to be the state with the true message, and a state that produces enough for its needs, where its citizens have their own will. That is evident throughout imperialist history and the several revolutions which came after that, including the last one, the greatest one, the revolution of 25th January 2011. That was when we all stood in all the squares to say to the criminal tyrant that he must leave. And it happened.
However, as you know, there remained the tails and claws of his regime; and there remained the deep state and the vandals and many challenges. But the Egyptian people succeeded, with God's blessing, to conduct free and fair elections in 2012 when I was elected president of the republic in front of international election observers. From then until now I have been making every effort so that Egypt can own its will and so that the children of Egypt can have their true freedom, and so that the children of Egypt can have an effective role in the progress of their nation and in moving forward towards wider horizons; to real productivity, to a great role that awaits them and which they deserve.
What has hindered this has been the short time since the election and now, just one year in which to deal with many challenges, which you have all witnessed. Now, with what is happening on the ground, I have tried and will continue to try to steer all Egyptians off a collision course and spare them acts of violence and fighting, because every drop of Egyptian blood is dear to me and I do not accept nor approve nor will allow this pure blood to fall. The objective is stability for Egypt and the success of the revolution.
I see now, my fellow Egyptians, that this revolution is being stolen from us and that it is desired for us to be submerged in a sea of never-ending conflict and argument that only results in regression for the nation; to enter into downward spirals of demands for leadership change; and that this situation could be repeated several times. You have seen with me, that those who protected the legitimacy that we all have participated in creating you have seen with me that there has been some backtracking in that field and you see with me too that I am president of the republic and very protective of this legitimacy. For that reason I have over the past few days contacted all the political forces, with the participation of the armed forces, so that we can arrive at an initiative acceptable to all parties. The forces and parties that support and protect legitimacy have put forward an initiative to the presidency. It includes many points and issues, one of which is changing the government or solving the prosecutor-general issue judicially, and that was decided today in a verdict that is being studied for how best it can be implemented. The initiative also included a social contract to negotiate the way forward and early parliamentary elections so that we can create a parliament in accordance with the agreed-upon Constitution; that is considered to be a huge achievement among all of the other achievements of the great January 25 Revolution.
Many forces have collaborated to try to block the ongoing revolution, so the initiative suggests the introduction of a pledge of honour for dialogue, for the media, which is playing a role that you all know about. Many media outlets are being used to destroy what we have started and what we have built together. The initiative requires us all to respect the legitimacy of the presidency and the constitution that is in effect and the laws of the state. It includes enough to ensure to all forces in the nation have a role, where their generosity can be appreciated, so that we can move forward in the next phase, in cooperation and harmony, so that we never be in conflict.
What I see now is that there are desperate attempts for the revolution to be stolen, to take us back to square one, so we must start anew, which I absolutely refuse to accept. As such, I issued a direct order to all the forces in the state institutions, the interior security forces and the armed forces, that their role in maintaining the security of the nation should be prominent and clear; that they should stop the bloodshed and that they also protect democratic legitimacy that we all earned as a result of the presidential and parliamentary elections, and the constitutional referendum. Those forces, who are the sons of this nation, are asked to protect its legitimacy and to protect the nation; to accept that constitutional and legal legitimacy, and the voice of the people, are reasons enough to protect this nation.
There is no path other than that of constitutional legitimacy and law that is in effect now. We must proceed towards parliamentary elections, and quickly, to form the new parliament. We must protect the constitution that was approved by 64 per cent of Egyptians in a referendum; the articles of which were agreed by the judiciary which issues its verdicts in many courts, one of which is the Constitutional Court based on this constitution. Not only that, the membership of the Constitutional Court was reshuffled according to the constitution and yet now there are demands for the constitution to be suspended. I absolutely refuse to allow that and call upon you to protect the constitution, to hold on to it, and not to accept any alternative to it.
The only option before you, I believe, is that I am the elected president of Egypt, and that the constitution of Egypt commands respect by all, and that Egyptian law is in effect until and unless amendments that need to be made are effected in accordance with the constitution. The parliamentary elections must be held, under the full supervision of the judiciary and managed by the electoral committee that is defined in the constitution; the elections must be secured by the armed forces, the Ministry of the Interior and the police.
The world is watching us and we know ourselves; we are able to overcome obstacles. We are the children of Egypt, of this nation, this is the will of the Egyptians and it cannot be cancelled after just one year. What sort of world do we live in if this could be allowed to happen? We live in a world that speaks of democracy. There cannot be a specially-tailored democracy for Egypt alone; democracy must be the right of Egyptians to have freedom and to practice democracy as it has been known and defined by this world. Democracy is the choice of the majority, and it is agreed to follow the people's will once the results of the democratic process have been announced. The results have been announced, so why do we want to stop this progress? Do we want blood to be shed? We can never accept that, and I call on you to stop the bloodshed and not fall into the swamp of fighting, because if that happens, this nation will be in great danger.
We are now facing a massive historical challenge. We will all stand before God for reckoning and God will ask us: What did you do with what was entrusted to you? So here I am making you an offer, the only offer, and that is to hold onto legitimacy and for the constitution to continue under its legitimate umbrella following its adoption in the great referendum that took place last December and under which we lived for the past 6 months. There is no other legitimacy, it cannot be, and it is not acceptable; I do not accept this at all and I do not approve of you battling over it; I order you not to fight and I do not accept for you to regress. Nor do I accept for my own part for there to be a different legitimacy. A shifting legitimacy which can be changed every few months is a cause of chaos without law and references; it would see the nation regress to the old situation before we decided that this nation should be stable after the January 25 Revolution.
Esteemed citizens of Egypt everywhere, this is our nation; this is our nation and we live in it under the sky of our Lord and we know the truth of all that is plotted against us and you know it too. You realise that what is being plotted against us is big. So I address everyone, the supporters and the opposition and the judiciary; and the workers and peasants; and the men of the Ministry of the Interior and those of the armed forces; and all sections of the Egyptian people; you are all the children of Egypt and the owners of this nation; you are the ones capable of protecting its security with the blessing of God.
The biggest responsibility now is that we ensure Egypt's security and that of its people and keep their blood from being shed through holding onto the legitimacy that we have brought forth together. I stand with you and I stand amongst you. I will continue with you to protect this legitimacy; and I have no deterrent, as I had mentioned before, months ago, weeks ago, days ago and again now. I am ready for everyone to come to the table, and for me to sit, to negotiate with all, and to have dialogue with all, from the supporters and the opposition and the initiative that I mentioned earlier, that I accepted and about which you now know all the details, so that we can save our nation through an effective sincere dialogue and move forward. If other than this takes place that will be the responsibility of those who have pushed for it. Their responsibility will be before God and history and this people. No one who has been given power by this people, which belongs to this people, no one can impose their opinion using this power that they do not own, even myself. I do not apply pressure to the people to keep them from affecting their will; that is unacceptable for me or anyone else.
I believe that we must all hold on to legitimacy; that we all respect the constitution; that we all respect the law; that we all love our nation, our Egypt; that we all the Arab nation; that we all love this world we live in and of which we love to be citizens as it calls for peace; and that we all carry that which leads to all of this and perform our duties. So here I am performing my duty towards you all. There is no alternative to legitimacy, there is no alternative to the constitution, there is no alternative to the law, and there is no alternative to respect for the people's will.
I appreciate that there will be opposition, strong and effective, but I also see huge support. And I see at my back a year ago, then six months ago, the will of the people, which has been affected through a legal process, and has taken place in a process approved by all, and accepted by all, and we have lived under it for a year; that was the evidence of its acceptance, and evidence of respect for the constitution; and it was evidence that there is no alternative.
However, when we come today and say that we must stop this progress and return to square one, this does not take us forward and does not put us in a position for real development, and does not bring us closer to being truly free in our nation. We do not accept that anyone can impose their will on us. The people have matured and have sufficient awareness to protect themselves, their blood, their dignity, their freedom and the legitimacy under which they live. This is my message to you, I pronounce it clearly. I am with you, standing with you in Egypt, upon its soil, to protect the legitimacy and to conduct our dealings through it, and that God is watching over it all.
Oh people of Egypt, know this; we do cannot be protective of our religion more than God is capable of protecting it. And cannot be more protective of this nation more than our Lord, and we work under the hope of being just; we want justice for our nation, we want freedom for all the citizens of Egypt, we want to protect the already-standing legitimacy, and we want social justice. I call on everyone to be a guardian of this nation and to protect this legitimacy, constitution and the law. "Know that God is victorious, but most people do not know it." It is in God's hands, and we only have our will in our hands, and I announce here that we love this nation and we shall stick to the already-erected legitimacy, and there is no way but that path, and no way back from it. I thank you, and I offer you my salutations and love, and wish you all the success with you and through you; and with God's blessing and will, we move forward; and may God help us. Bless you all. Assalamu Alaikum...
- See more at: President Morsi's post-coup speech to the people of Egypt
 
Ein sehr guter Artikel in Ahram, finde ich:

http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContentP/4/76987/Opinion/On-fascism-and-fascists.aspx



On fascism and fascists


In focusing on the Muslim Brotherhood's fascist tendencies do we not risk losing sight of the largest elephant in the room — the perils of army intervention in the name of protecting liberty?



Khaled Fahmy , Sunday 21 Jul 2013

In March, I wrote an article here in response to an article written by Wael Abbas, author of the blog Misr Digital, in which he had warned of the threat of a spread of armed militias belonging to different groups, from the Brotherhood to the Ultras to thugs, expressing apprehension at what he viewed was the rise of militarism and fascism in Egypt. Abbas concluded his article with a comparison between our state a year ago (when the article was written) and the state of Germany in the last days of the Weimar Republic in the 1920s, on the eve of the Nazis coming to power.In my own article, I mentioned that a comparison between the Brotherhood and the Nazis might be disturbing, yet it might also be useful if used to analyse and understand the current moment. And I argued that there are many differences between the Brotherhood and the Nazis, most importantly the fact that the Nazis had already exercised effective control over the institutions of official violence — the military and police — before they gained political power, while the Muslim Brotherhood lacked control over these two key institutions even after being voted into office.
And I believe that the Brotherhood's record in power clarifies how this factor, i.e. their inability to control the army and the police, rendered their leaders paranoid and anxious. In light of the ongoing revolution and daily protests against their policies, the Brotherhood felt a need to reach an understanding with these two institutions. And indeed, in every incident of street confrontations between protestors and the police, the Brotherhood sided against the people.
Brotherhood MPs denied that the police had used live ammunition during the interior ministry clashes; they turned a blind eye to the dire transgressions committed by the police in the events of Port Said II, and the Hisham Qandil cabinet aborted every serious initiative for security sector reform, all the while flirting with the police to the extent that Mohamed Morsi even thanked them for their role in the January 25 Revolution!
The Brotherhood’s relationship with the army was no different. They forbade their followers to chant against the military; after Morsi had launched his presidential term by forming a fact-finding committee to investigate human rights violations that took place under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, he refused to make the results of the report public after finding out that it was strongly critical of the army; awarded Field Marshal Tantawi and his deputy, Anan, with the highest accolades, the flirtatious attitude towards the army culminating with the constitution maintaining all the economic, social and political perks that the army previously enjoyed, and even added some more.
And after they thought that they had succeeded in neutralising these two key institutions, the Brotherhood dedicatedly sought to control the public domain. Thus, they drafted laws to control civil society organisations; to control demonstrations; to gerrymander electoral districts in favour of their candidates; and to control the judiciary, all in the shadows of a constitution that they drafted in an exclusionary and flawed manner.
Due to all that, in addition to the nauseating discourse systematically waged against Shia Muslims and Copts, the people finally rose in one large uprising on 30 June. In this revolution, Egyptians strongly expressed their rejection of the Brotherhood's project, a project that was seen as restricting the public domain and clamping down on the people’s hard-won liberty. On 30 June, Egyptians from all walks of life rose to oppose a group that was steadily undermining the principles of their revolution while holding on only to the narrowest definitions of democracy, that which reduced it to ballotocracy.
And after the Brotherhood had refused to revise their policies in the wake of the 30 June revolution, and after their leaders had incited their followers to violence, and after such violence had indeed erupted in Manial, Bein El Sarayat, Sidi Gaber, and Ramsis, I understand the apprehension of many towards allowing the Muslim Brotherhood to continue to exist in the political scene except if the group fundamentally revised its philosophy, its self-image, its message and its practices. I also understand the necessity of holding Brotherhood leaders legally accountable for their inciting to violence. And I understand further the demand of many to ban Brotherhood leaders from running for or assuming public posts, similar to the ban imposed on leaders of the ousted National Democratic Party.
And yet do we not, by focusing on these demands, ignore the elephant in the room? Are we not ignoring the army and its blatant intervention in the political process since 3 July?
In the article I previously mentioned, which I wrote in response to Wael Abbas, I tried to warn that our concern about the Muslim Brotherhood's fascist tendencies should not distract us from the risks we face when dealing with the military. I concluded my article, which was titled "Weimar Republic or 18 Brumaire" with an allusion to the coup d'état conducted by Napoléon Bonaparte and his nephew Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte in the years 1799 and 1851, respectively, and ended by saying that "my fear of the validity of our comparison (between our current state and the state of the Weimar Republic) is not exceeded by anything other than my fear that the more accurate comparison is not that between the Brotherhood and the Nazis in 1933, but rather between our situation today and the status of France on the eve of the eighteenth Brumaire." And unfortunately, my fear was valid. The army's intervention on 3 July sent a confusing message to the Brotherhood. Instead of the clear message sent to them by millions on the street, which said, "You have failed; you must leave," the army's message effectively said, "You are victims, and we will always persecute you."
What complicated matters further was that the public, which throughout SCAF's rule chanted against the military, is now flaunting General El-Sisi's photos and is taking him to be their prophet and saviour. The people forgot, or decided to forget that the army, whose jets they now dance under in Tahrir Square, is the same army that conducted virginity tests on female protestors, trampled the “blue-bra girl”, abducted and tortured protesters in the Egyptian Museum and the Cabinet headquarters, performed surgical operations on protesters in military hospitals without anesthesia or sterilisation, and above all, has run, and continues to run, an economic empire that is estimated to be equal to a quarter of the country’s GDP.
This revolution erupted for the sake of liberty and it was able to topple Mubarak and to end his rule that had humiliated and impoverished the people. And on 30 June we revolted once more when we felt that the Muslim Brotherhood was slamming the door of liberty in our faces. We will not allow the army to steal away our revolution yet again or to oppress us and exercise its will over us in the name of protecting our liberty.
 
[h=2]Kairo: Neue Recherchen geben Armee Schuld an Massaker[/h]
Ägyptens Militär macht die Muslimbrüder für die 55 Toten bei Zusammenstößen in Kairo am 8. Juli verantwortlich. Doch umfangreiche Recherchen des "Guardian" zeigen: Die Armee eröffnete offenbar in einem Zwei-Fronten-Vorstoß das Feuer auf friedliche Demonstranten.

Guardian-Bericht: Ägyptische Armee trägt Schuld an Massaker in Kairo - SPIEGEL ONLINE


17. Juli 2013 - Nach Amnesty-Recherchen haben die ägyptischen Behörden Hunderten festgenommenen Mursi-Anhängern, die Inanspruchnahme ihrer Rechte verweigert. Häftlinge sagten gegenüber Amnesty-Mitarbeitern aus, dass sie bei ihrer Verhaftung geschlagen, Elektroschocks ausgesetzt und mit Gewehrkolben malträtiert worden seien.

https://www.amnesty.de/2013/7/17/aegypten-festgenommenen-mursi-unterstuetzern-werden-rechte-verweigert

Ach was echt? Folter und elektroschocks? Das gibts ja gar nicht da bin ich aber überrascht, hatte ein ganz anderes bild der ägyptischen armee..
 
 Bürgerkrieg in Ägypten?

Für heute hat die Armee eine Demostration ausgerufen, "gegen Terrorismus". Damit sollen nach Sisi die Ägypter der Armee ein klares Mandat geben, damit sie "gegen Gewalt und Terrorismus vorgehen". Gleichzeitig gibt es natürlich auch Demonstrationen von der Muslimbrüderschaft, deren Führer die Sisi-Aurufung offiziell als eine "Bürgerkriegserklärung" bezeichnet haben. Gewaltige Auseinandersetzung werden erwartet.

Interessant sind die verschiedenen Reaktionen zu dieser pro-Armee-Demonstrationen aus dem Anti-Mursi-Lager:

- Dafür: Das Nationale Heilsfront (also diese Allianz aus liberalen und nasseristischen Politikern, El-Baradei, Shabahi etc), wie auch diese Tamarod-Bewegung (die die Unterschriftensammlungen und die Demonstrationen gegen Mursi organisiert hat), und die neue 30. Juni Gruppe stehen hinter Sisi, und haben die Ägypter zur Teilnahme ausgerufen.

- Dagegen: Die 6. April Gruppe (die beim Sturz von Mubarak eine wesentliche Rolle gespielt habe) und die Revolutionäre Sozialisten (linksradikal) warnen davor, die Armee einen Freibrief zum Massakrieren zu geben, und ihr die Rückkehr zur Unterdrückung wie in Mubaraks' Zeiten zu ermöglichen. Sie wollen von der Demonstrationen fern bleiben. Als für die salafistische Nour-Partei und die Partei von Fotouh (Starkes Ägypten, Abspaltung aus der Muslimbrüderschaft), steht im Artikel nichts über ihre Haltung spezifisch zu den heutigen Demos, ich nehme aber an, dass sie dagegen sind, weil sie schon früher vom neuen Regime distanziert haben.

Quelle: El-Sisi, Morsi rallies to face-off Friday - Politics - Egypt - Ahram Online (Englisch)



Was denkt ihr, wird es in Ägypten einen Bürgerkrieg geben, nach algerischem, oder noch schlimmer, nach syrischem Muster? Wird die Armee und die Überbleibsel des alten Mubarak-Regimes (die nie wirklich aus der Macht weg waren) die Chance ausnutzen, um die Verdienste der 2011-Revolution rückgängig zu machen?
 
Für heute hat die Armee eine Demostration ausgerufen, "gegen Terrorismus". Damit sollen nach Sisi die Ägypter der Armee ein klares Mandat geben, damit sie "gegen Gewalt und Terrorismus vorgehen". Gleichzeitig gibt es natürlich auch Demonstrationen von der Muslimbrüderschaft, deren Führer die Sisi-Aurufung offiziell als eine "Bürgerkriegserklärung" bezeichnet haben. Gewaltige Auseinandersetzung werden erwartet.

Interessant sind die verschiedenen Reaktionen zu dieser pro-Armee-Demonstrationen aus dem Anti-Mursi-Lager:

- Dafür: Das Nationale Heilsfront (also diese Allianz aus liberalen und nasseristischen Politikern, El-Baradei, Shabahi etc), wie auch diese Tamarod-Bewegung (die die Unterschriftensammlungen und die Demonstrationen gegen Mursi organisiert hat), und die neue 30. Juni Gruppe stehen hinter Sisi, und haben die Ägypter zur Teilnahme ausgerufen.

- Dagegen: Die 6. April Gruppe (die beim Sturz von Mubarak eine wesentliche Rolle gespielt habe) und die Revolutionäre Sozialisten (linksradikal) warnen davor, die Armee einen Freibrief zum Massakrieren zu geben, und ihr die Rückkehr zur Unterdrückung wie in Mubaraks' Zeiten zu ermöglichen. Sie wollen von der Demonstrationen fern bleiben. Als für die salafistische Nour-Partei und die Partei von Fotouh (Starkes Ägypten, Abspaltung aus der Muslimbrüderschaft), steht im Artikel nichts über ihre Haltung spezifisch zu den heutigen Demos, ich nehme aber an, dass sie dagegen sind, weil sie schon früher vom neuen Regime distanziert haben.

Quelle: El-Sisi, Morsi rallies to face-off Friday - Politics - Egypt - Ahram Online (Englisch)



Was denkt ihr, wird es in Ägypten einen Bürgerkrieg geben, nach algerischem, oder noch schlimmer, nach syrischem Muster? Wird die Armee und die Überbleibsel des alten Mubarak-Regimes (die nie wirklich aus der Macht weg waren) die Chance ausnutzen, um die Verdienste der 2011-Revolution rückgängig zu machen?

Hahaha, welche "Verdienste" denn? Die junge Bevölkerung, die sich für Besserungen eingesetzt hat, ist zu einer Randerscheinung degradiert worden. Ägypten wird immer ein Pulverfass bleiben, denn sie haben einfach nicht die Mittel sich zu entwickeln. Bildung ist ein großes Problem.
 
Hahaha, welche "Verdienste" denn? Die junge Bevölkerung, die sich für Besserungen eingesetzt hat, ist zu einer Randerscheinung degradiert worden. Ägypten wird immer ein Pulverfass bleiben, denn sie haben einfach nicht die Mittel sich zu entwickeln. Bildung ist ein großes Problem.

Also, Redefreiheit, Versammlungsfreiheit, die Möglichkeit Gruppen zu bilden damit man sich um seine Rechte kämpft.. Am wichtigsten, die Diskussions- und Hinterfragen-Kultur die entstanden ist, und das Gefühl, das alles sich verändern kann. Das darf auf keinen Fall verloren gehen.

Was meinst du mit den Mitteln, die sie nicht haben? Also, das landwirtschaftliche Problem ist ein ganz großes, keine Frage. Das Problem der Bildung ist sicher ein großes (da soll man Sadat und Mubarak danken, die es geschafft haben) wird gerade aber mit der politischer Teilnahme gelöst.
 
Also, Redefreiheit, Versammlungsfreiheit, die Möglichkeit Gruppen zu bilden damit man sich um seine Rechte kämpft.. Am wichtigsten, die Diskussionskultur die entstanden ist, und das Gefühl, das alles sich verändern kann. Das darf auf keinen Fall verloren gehen.

Was meinst du mit den Mitteln, die sie nicht haben? Also, das landwirtschaftliche Problem ist ein ganz großes, keine Frage.

Ich finde euch Romantiker echt zum Kotzen. Wenn es in einem Land wirtschaftlich nicht passt, dann kannst du auf die Diskussionskultur scheißen. Einer der Kornkammern dieser Welt ist auf Weizenimporte aus Russland angewiesen. Das Nil-Delta könnte wahrscheinlich ganz Ägypten ernähren. Die Touristen sind Aufgrund der Unruhen weggefallen und dann kommen noch die Einkünfte vom Suez und Gas-Exporte. Es reicht hinten und vorne nicht.

Wenn die Menschen also nicht die finanziellen Mitteln haben, sich bildungstechnisch weiterzuentwickeln, wie soll sich das Land weiterentwickeln können? Tss Diskussionskultur...
 
Ich finde euch Romantiker echt zum Kotzen. Wenn es in einem Land wirtschaftlich nicht passt, dann kannst du auf die Diskussionskultur scheißen. Einer der Kornkammern dieser Welt ist auf Weizenimporte aus Russland angewiesen. Das Nil-Delta könnte wahrscheinlich ganz Ägypten ernähren. Die Touristen sind Aufgrund der Unruhen weggefallen und dann kommen noch die Einkünfte vom Suez und Gas-Exporte. Es reicht hinten und vorne nicht.

Wenn die Menschen also nicht die finanziellen Mitteln haben, sich bildungstechnisch weiterzuentwickeln, wie soll sich das Land weiterentwickeln können? Tss Diskussionskultur...

Wie gesagt, das landwirtschaftliche Problem ist tatsächlich ein ganz großes. Meiner Meinung kann man es auch nicht lösen, ohne die Auswanderung von vielleicht 30-40 Millionen. In der einen oder anderen Weise kann das aber gelöst werden, man sollte da sich auf das wirklich Wichtige konzentrieren: ob es Diskussionskultur und radikale Stimmung gibt. Ich denke, du muss die Situation etwas realistischer sehen.
 
Wie gesagt, das landwirtschaftliche Problem ist tatsächlich ein ganz großes. Meiner Meinung kann man es auch nicht lösen, ohne die Auswanderung von vielleicht 30-40 Millionen. In der einen oder anderen Weise kann das aber gelöst werden, man sollte da sich auf das wirklich Wichtige konzentrieren: ob es Diskussionskultur und radikale Stimmung gibt. Ich denke, du muss die Situation etwas realistischer sehen.

Was für dich wichtig ist, ist für mich belanglos. Der erste Schritt in die moderne Welt ist immer die Wirtschaftliche. Es gibt zu viele Partikularinteressen und solange die Menschen keine Perspektiven kennen, wird sich das auch nicht ändern. Was Ägypten jetzt braucht, ist eine Respektsperson wie Abdel Nasser. Sowie Mustafa Kemal die Türkei reformierte, muss auch Ägypten reformiert werden. Die Araber haben durch Soft-Power mitbekommen, dass man muslimisch und modern sein kann.
 
Was für dich wichtig ist, ist für mich belanglos. Der erste Schritt in die moderne Welt ist immer die Wirtschaftliche. Es gibt zu viele Partikularinteressen und solange die Menschen keine Perspektiven kennen, wird sich das auch nicht ändern. Was Ägypten jetzt braucht, ist eine Respektsperson wie Abdel Nasser. Sowie Mustafa Kemal die Türkei reformierte, muss auch Ägypten reformiert werden. Die Araber haben durch Soft-Power mitbekommen, dass man muslimisch und modern sein kann.

Was zählt ist was für Ägypten wichtig ist, nicht für mich oder dich. Der wirtschaftliche Aspekt ist zentral, keine Frage - am Ende hängt aber alles von der physischen Geographie ab, das ist die Mutter von alles. Ägypten hat eine ziemlich ernste physich-geographische Herausforderung. Wenn es eine Weise findet, mit ihr umzugehen, dann das einzige was man sonst braucht, ist das was ich gesagt habe: Diskussionskultur und radikales Denken. Alles andere kommt einfach.

Nasser schätze ich als historische Persönlichkeit schon viel. Am Ende, was hat er aber erreicht? Viele der positiven Veränderungen, die er gebracht hatte, wurden von seinen Nachfolger rückgängig gemacht. Das selbe gilt meiner Meinung nach für Atatürk, zu einem großen Teil.

Und da liegt der Fehler, von allen diesen, die auf beleuchteten Diktaturen hoffen und glauben. Auch wenn sich so einer "beleuchteter Diktator" gefunden wird, was sowieso eher selten ist, er wird irgendwann sterben. Sein Nachfolger können oft auf seine negative Erbe (diktatorische Regierung) stützen, es gibt aber keine Garantie für die positive. Am Ende, gibt es keine realistische Alternative als zur Macht des Volkes.

Das Thema in Ägypten ist nicht "muslimisch und modern zu sein". Ägypter haben (unter anderen Völkern) auch die historische Aufgabe, Auswege und Alternativen für die globale Entwicklung zu finden, andere als die versagten westlichen Modellen, die dürfen und können nicht übernommen werden. Sonst gibt es für die Welt kaum Hoffnung. Deswegen zählt vielleicht am Ende doch für mich und dich, was in Ägypten passiert. Ägypten war bis jetzt die Seele der globalen Bewegung: wenn es zum Ende kommt, wird es für diese Bewegung auch ein schwerer Rückschlag sein.
 
Zurück
Oben