Mustaffa Murat
Gesperrt
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]http://www.ce-review.org/99/21/vidali21.html
Central European Review
The rising wave of crime in Greece in recent years has been often attributed to
Albanian immigrants and has been used as a pretext for retaliatory policies towards them.
[/SIZE][/FONT][FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]The transition from a centrally planned to market economy has been very hard for Albania. The shock therapy began in 1991. Hundreds of thousands were left unemployed as 90% of the factories were closed. The legacy of the inefficient economic model during the Communist regime, the economic crisis of the 1980s, the breakdown of the economic structures and the revolts of 1991 and 1997 were just a few of the many factors responsible for creating the economic plight during of the transition period.[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Threats to Greek security[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Greece's primary concern in relation to the Albanian question regards her external security. Especially since Albania has sought to develop strong ties with Turkey, Greece's traditional rival in the eastern Mediterranean. Concerned about a potential conflict with the Serbs, as well as the special relationship between Greece and Serbia, Sali Berisha, the Albanian President until 1997, promoted the strengthening of relations with Turkey, which has been very willing to co-operate. Greece has viewed this rapprochement with alarm, because she is afraid of the expansion of the Turkish influence in the Balkans, and the potential formation of an "Islamic Arc" (Albania - Bosnia - Turkey) which would run through her borders.[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Nevertheless, it is worth focusing on the perceived threat to internal Greek security posed by Albanian migrants. Greece has been affected by the flourishing of organised crime (drugs and arms trafficking) in neighbouring Albania. Drug trafficking in particular has developed at an alarming rate in the last ten years across the entire region of Russia, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Balkans. Largely as a result of poverty, porous internal and external borders, the collapse of confidence in many of state institutions and civil strife.[10] In this unofficial economic sector, collaboration between Greeks and Albanians has been perfected, as an Albanian "middleman" reveals:[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]The Greek and Albanian mafias have already created the so-called "Brotherhood," which is responsible for all the mafia business. [...] we have divided Athens in cantons. The cantons are responsible for the trafficking, not the import, of drugs in different regions of Athens.[11][/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]If that was not enough of a problem, an estimated 700,000 firearms were stolen from army depots during the riots in 1997, and only some 100,000 had been returned by October 1998.[12] Many of these guns have been redistributed via the Greek illegal arms market and Greeks have even been reportedly approached in the street, and asked whether they wanted to buy a gun.[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Furthermore, these population movements and the high demand for Greek visas has led to the development of rackets involving fake visas and passports and the illegal selling of stolen visas and passports. In this field too, Greek-Albanian co-operation has become highly advanced. Greek officials in Albania and in the border customs have been illegally trading visas - fake or genuine - in co-operation with Albanian middlemen. In May 1993, the going rate for an illegal visa obtained through Greek officials in Tirana was roughly USD 300 to 350.[13][/SIZE][/FONT]
Das macht es vileicht etwas klarer warum griechen IN griechenland die Albaner so moegen
Central European Review
The rising wave of crime in Greece in recent years has been often attributed to
Albanian immigrants and has been used as a pretext for retaliatory policies towards them.
[/SIZE][/FONT][FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]The transition from a centrally planned to market economy has been very hard for Albania. The shock therapy began in 1991. Hundreds of thousands were left unemployed as 90% of the factories were closed. The legacy of the inefficient economic model during the Communist regime, the economic crisis of the 1980s, the breakdown of the economic structures and the revolts of 1991 and 1997 were just a few of the many factors responsible for creating the economic plight during of the transition period.[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Threats to Greek security[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Greece's primary concern in relation to the Albanian question regards her external security. Especially since Albania has sought to develop strong ties with Turkey, Greece's traditional rival in the eastern Mediterranean. Concerned about a potential conflict with the Serbs, as well as the special relationship between Greece and Serbia, Sali Berisha, the Albanian President until 1997, promoted the strengthening of relations with Turkey, which has been very willing to co-operate. Greece has viewed this rapprochement with alarm, because she is afraid of the expansion of the Turkish influence in the Balkans, and the potential formation of an "Islamic Arc" (Albania - Bosnia - Turkey) which would run through her borders.[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Nevertheless, it is worth focusing on the perceived threat to internal Greek security posed by Albanian migrants. Greece has been affected by the flourishing of organised crime (drugs and arms trafficking) in neighbouring Albania. Drug trafficking in particular has developed at an alarming rate in the last ten years across the entire region of Russia, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Balkans. Largely as a result of poverty, porous internal and external borders, the collapse of confidence in many of state institutions and civil strife.[10] In this unofficial economic sector, collaboration between Greeks and Albanians has been perfected, as an Albanian "middleman" reveals:[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]The Greek and Albanian mafias have already created the so-called "Brotherhood," which is responsible for all the mafia business. [...] we have divided Athens in cantons. The cantons are responsible for the trafficking, not the import, of drugs in different regions of Athens.[11][/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]If that was not enough of a problem, an estimated 700,000 firearms were stolen from army depots during the riots in 1997, and only some 100,000 had been returned by October 1998.[12] Many of these guns have been redistributed via the Greek illegal arms market and Greeks have even been reportedly approached in the street, and asked whether they wanted to buy a gun.[/SIZE][/FONT]
[FONT=arial, arial ce, helvetica, helveticace][SIZE=-1]Furthermore, these population movements and the high demand for Greek visas has led to the development of rackets involving fake visas and passports and the illegal selling of stolen visas and passports. In this field too, Greek-Albanian co-operation has become highly advanced. Greek officials in Albania and in the border customs have been illegally trading visas - fake or genuine - in co-operation with Albanian middlemen. In May 1993, the going rate for an illegal visa obtained through Greek officials in Tirana was roughly USD 300 to 350.[13][/SIZE][/FONT]
Das macht es vileicht etwas klarer warum griechen IN griechenland die Albaner so moegen
