Cetniks und ihre faschistische Vergangenheit

[illyrian_eagle]

Angliederung von Teilen Kroatiens, Slawoniens und Dalmatiens sowie von Teilen Albaniens an Großserbien vorgesehen. Alle Gebiete, in denen Serben — sei es als Mehrheit oder Minderheit — lebten, sollten künftig zu Serbien (innerhalb Jugoslawiens) gehören, und die­ses Großserbien sollte national „homogeni­siert",

:help: Ach ist das Herrlich

 

[Ivo2]

Dann aus dem Standardwerk über Cetnik's

Kurze Zusammenfassung

Seite 166

 

[Ivo2]

Ich weiss, dass kaum jemand lesen wird, aber ich versuch's trotzdem:

The main concern of Mihailovic" and the Chetniks, and of the govern-ment-in-exile äs long äs it was dominated by the Great Serbia forces, was to build up a superior power and maintain it throughout the war so that when the occupying armies were thrown out and the quisling governments collapsed, the Chetniks would be the strongest claimant to control of the postwar Yugoslav government. Starting from the assumption that the Axis was bound to lose the war, regardless of any-thing the Chetniks might or might not do, the Chetniks decided that their primary objective would best be served by not wasting their man-power in fighting the greatly superior Axis armies but instead concen-trating on perfecting their organization and on fighting the internal competitors for postwar leadership of Yugoslavia, primarily the Com-munist-led Partisans, and turning against the Axis only in the final stages of the conflict, when the Allied forces would be there to help. A certain pretense of fighting the Axis was necessary, to maintain their reputation as a "heroic resistance group" so that they could remain in good Standing with the Western Allies, but there was to be ás little actual fighting as possible. In fact, there was a great deal of collabora-tion between the Chetniks on the one hand and the Axis powers and the quisling forces on the other in order better to fight the Partisans, their common enemy.
Until the Chetnik congress at the village of Ba in western Serbia in January 1944, of which more will be said in Chapter 11, the Chetnik objectives and program were expressed in a variety of documents, some quite unofficial, issued at various times and written by various persons or groups of persons, with some of the objectives outlined in more and others in less detailed form.

 

[Ivo2]

Nächster Part

The first of these documents, and the one that contains the most complete Statement of Chetnik territorial aspi-rations for a Great Serbia—or as it was sometimes euphemistically called, a Serbian unit within a Great Yugoslavia—was a memorandum prepared by Dr. Stevan Moljevic in June 1941, two months before he became a member of the Chetnik National Committee and of its Ex­ecutive Council and, indeed, before he had even met Colonel Mihailo-vic. Many of Moljevic's ideas as expressed in this memorandum on "Homogeneous Serbia" are evident in most of the other Chetnik programmatic Statements whether they came there from Moljevic's memo­randum, or Moljevic's participation in the formulation of these State­ments, or were the result of similar thinking.1

 

[Fat Tony]

Dann aus dem Standardwerk über Cetnik's

Standardwerk?:icon_smile:
Ich will diese dreckige Ganoven-Bande, die sich Cetnici nennen, ja in keinster Weise verteidigen, doch vielleicht würde es dir helfen wenn du auch Bücher liest, deren Autorenname vielleicht nicht mit einem "Jozo" beginnen.

Aber jetzt weiss ich immerhin auf was deine Aussagen, der Faschismus sei vor allem auf serbischer Seite präsent gewesen, beruhen.:icon_smile:

 

[Ivo2]

Next one :

Moljevic's territorial plan for a "homogeneous Serbia" was based on the notion that the Serbs, because they had so long struggled against the Turks and had been the only people to resist the entry of the Ger-mans into the Balkans, were entitled to the position of the leading na-tion in the Balkans. To assume that position with authority, however, they must first become the undisputed leaders of Yugoslavia. This they were to do, Moljevic said, by creating a homogeneous Serbia which has to include the entire ethnic area populated by Serbs and to secure for itself the necessary Strategie and communi-cation lines and hubs, äs well äs economic regions, which will give it the possibility of an assured free economic, political, and cultural life and development for all times.
Even if in some cases these Strategie and communication lines and hubs, vital to the security, life, and existence of Serbia, do not at the present time have a Serbian majority, they have to serve Serbia and the Serbian people in order to avoid in the future the great sufferings which the Serbs' neighbours inflict upon them whenever they have an opportunity to do so.
Transfers and exchanges of population, especially of Croats from the Serbian and of Serbs from the Croatian areas, is the only way to arrive at their Separa­tion and to create better relations between them, and thereby remove the possibility of a repetition of the terrible crimes that occurred even in the First World War, but especially during this war, in the entire area in which the Serbs and Croats live intermixed, and where the Croats and Moslems have undertaken in a calculated way the extermination of the Serbs.

 

[Ivo2]

Standardwerk?:icon_smile:
Ich will diese dreckige Ganoven-Bande, die sich Cetnici nennen, ja in keinster Weise verteidigen, doch vielleicht würde es dir helfen wenn du auch Bücher liest, deren Autorenname vielleicht nicht mit einem "Jozo" beginnen.

Aber jetzt weiss ich immerhin auf was deine Aussagen, der Faschismus sei vor allem auf serbischer Seite präsent gewesen, beruhen.:icon_smile:

Erkundige dich über Jozo Tomasevich.
Wenn du die Cetnik's nicht verteidigen willst, warum tust du es dann?
Überhaupt lern' mal auch die traurige Seite der serbischen Geschichte.

 

[Ivo2]

Weiter im Text, bzw. Bild und dann Text

The territory of Great Serbia as proposed by Moljevic (see Map 4) included not only the bulk of the old Yugoslav territory but also some areas that belonged to Yugoslavia's neighbors.2 First of all, it was to include in addition to Serbia in its pre-igis frontiers all the areas that were acquired by Serbia in the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, that is, Yugo slav Macedonia and a part of Sandjak; then Montenegro and the part of Sandjak that went to Montenegro in 1912-13; all of Bosnia and Herzegovina; all of Dalmatia, with the city of Dubrovnik obtaining a special Status, and the area of Dalmatia from the estuary of the Neretva River to the neighborhood of the town of sibenik and some western Herzegovinian and Bosnian counties with Croatian majorities forming an autonomous area within Serbia. Of the territory of Croatia-Slavonia, Great Serbia was to take most of the area of Lika; practically all of Kor­dun and Banija; then the territory eastward to the town of Pakrac; then a corridor of land some fifteen to twenty-five kilometers wide extending frorn Pakrac north to the Hungarian border (including the counties of Daruvar, Grubisno Polje, Slatina, and parts of Nova Gradiska and Pozega); parts of Slavonia including the towns of Osijek and Vinkovci; all of Srijem; and all of Baranja, Backa, and the Banat that belonged to Yugoslavia during the interwar period. From Yugoslavia's neighbours—which were currently aligned with the Axis powers against Yugoslavia —Great Serbia would claim the following areas: the northern part of Albania, the Kyustendil and Vidin districts from Bulgaria, the Resita and Timisoara districts from Romania, and the districts of Szeged, Baja, and Pecs from Hungary. Slovenia would become a Great Slovenia, en-larged to more than twice its former size by adding Istria, the Slovene Littoral, a part of Italian territory, a very large part of Austrian-held Carinthia, and a chunk of Hungarian territory.

 

[Ivo2]

Altogether, Great Ser­bia was to have some 65 to 70 percent of the total amount of territory and population. Croatia, reduced to less than half its territory and population (i.e. in terms of its post-ig45 limits as the Socialist Republic of Croatia), would be effectively hemmed in between Great Serbia and Great Slovenia. Moljevic believed that the Serbian statesmen had made a serious mistake in not carefully defining the frentier s of new Serbia in the newly established Yugoslav state in 1918, and he was insisting on the idea that the Serbs at the end of the Second World War should avoid that mistake and should seize all areas that they claimed and present the other nations of Yugoslavia with a fait accompli, and from that position talk about a federally organized Yugoslavia. His plan envisaged large-scale evictions of non-Serb population from various areas äs well äs large population exchanges, but he did not suggest any figures.
Moljevic had definite ideas about the socioeconomic organization of the new Great Serbia. He conceived it as a nation in which work was "the basic goal and sense of life of every man" with just rewards; but the state was to be the chief investor and employer. Private capital was to be permitted to operate but only under state control. All citizens were to be guaranteed a chance to work, and provided with medical care and old age benefits. Freedoms of person, personal initiative, and private property, as well as of thought, religion, and the press, were to be guaranteed but could not be abused at the expense of others; the primary function of the press would be to serve the cause of the people and the state and to further public morality. The church was to be rec-ognized and supported only if it were completely independent toward the outside world and had its head in the country itself; there could be no political parties formed on religious foundations. All this was to combine in a "people's renaissance," in which all Segments of the Ser­bian population, divided into the various professions and inspired by the example of the intelligentsia and youth, would live and work in harmony.

 

[Ivo2]

Very similar to the territorial proposals of Dr. Moljevic were those formulated by the Beigrade Chetnik Committee in the summer of 1941 and in September 1941 taken out of the country and later delivered to
—which were currently aligned with the Axis powers against Yugoslavia —Great Serbia would claim the following areas: the northern part of Albania, the Kyustendil and Vidin districts from Bulgaria, the Resita and Timisoara districts from Romania, and the districts of Szeged, Baja, and Pecs from Hungary. Slovenia would become a Great Slovenia, en-larged to more than twice its former size by adding Istria, the Slovene Littoral, a part of Italian territory, a very large part of Austrian-held Carinthia, and a chunk of Hungarian territory. Altogether, Great Ser­bia was to have some 65 to 70 percent of the total amount of territory and population. Croatia, reduced to less than half its territory and population (i.e. in terms of its post-ig45 limits as the Socialist Republic of Croatia), would be effectively hemmed in between Great Serbia and Great Slovenia. Moljevic believed that the Serbian statesmen had made a serious mistake in not carefully defining the frentier s of new Serbia in the newly established Yugoslav state in 1918, and he was insisting on the idea that the Serbs at the end of the Second World War should avoid that mistake and should seize all areas that they claimed and present the other nations of Yugoslavia with a fait accompli, and from that position talk about a federally organized Yugoslavia. His plan envisaged large-scale evictions of non-Serb population from various areas äs well äs large population exchanges, but he did not suggest any figures.