Interessante Einblicke in den Alltag von Freikorps des Rechten Sektors an der Frontlinie in Donbass, geshrieben von einem Ausländer, unten einige Auszüge
Why American Right-Wingers Are Going to War in Ukraine
By Alexander Clapp
At any moment the SBU—the Security Service of Ukraine—could have come and arrested every member of the Volovik, whose presence on the front lines was illegal. But the Right Sectorites assured me this would never happen. When they needed help pursuing trucks they suspected of smuggling supplies into Donetsk, the SBU called the barracks for reinforcements. Most of the oblast was pro-Russian, so to help give the impression of occupation, local authorities encouraged Right Sector to drive its vehicles slowly through nearby villages and walk their streets with glocks in hand. (Though the residents of Novogrodovka despised Right Sector, they weren't too proud to come to the barracks at night begging for food, which was always given. The drunk ones often fell into the moat.)
The Ukrainian army was also technically obliged to arrest Right Sector members on sight at the front lines, but it didn't.
During the night, officers sympathetic to Right Sector's cause filled the Volovik's school bus with rockets and other large-caliber guns forbidden by European monitors. Right Sector was the Ukrainian army's way of getting around Minsk II while still hitting back at separatists who refused to allow international organizations anywhere near their trenches: Right Sector, Ukraine told inspectors, was out of its control. The local police also wouldn't arrest any members of the Volovik, to whom they outsourced their terrorism. Of course, when asked about their connection with Right Sector, Ukraine's SBU, army, and police vigorously disavow it. But what I saw on the front lines was nothing short of active cooperation. The fighters of the Volovik, for their part, were contemptuous of any cooperation with Kiev. But the fight could only turn against Ukraine once the more immediate threat in the Donbas had been destroyed.
Simeon's presence in the barracks was outsized. His drinking sessions began shortly after he emerged each morning from his drab cement room, decorated with a few family photos and several Russian army helmets on the walls. "Brothers!" he would cry in a faux-American accent. He possessed no civilian clothes; his fatigues had become so matted with dried mud and engine grease they had hardened into the consistency of cardboard. For Simeon, the war in Donetsk was less about fighting the Russians than it was about proving something to Ukrainians back in Kiev. "Sixty percent of Ukraine wants to join Europe," he told me one night while he was on guard duty. The occasional crack of artillery came from the east. "Their biggest concern is whether or not their WiFi works. Another twenty percent, well, these are pro-Russian trash. To them, the Soviet Union was a good thing. These types aren't as big a problem as you might think. They can be killed. We in Right Sector are part of that remaining twenty percent that believes we have to take matters into our own hands in Ukraine. We can only fix our country when we fix ourselves individually."
The members of the Volovik frequently boasted that they possessed enough explosives to eradicate a small Ukrainian oblast. The battalion had smuggled in all of it—the six armor-plated trucks, the helmets and medical kits, the hundreds of boxes of ammunition—tirelessly, illegally, from every reach of Ukraine.
The men used donations from the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada "for medical supplies" to purchase Kalashnikovs off Chechen arms dealers in Vienna, which were smuggled through the Carpathian Mountains by members of the Volovik who caravanned out to western Ukraine every few months in battalion pickup trucks. They also claimed many guns off dead separatists.
https://www.vice.com/read/nationalist-interest-v23n4
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