Zuerst eine kleine Korrektur als Randbemerkung: Muhammad Ali von Ägypten war nicht kurdisch, er kam aus Kavala und war wahrscheinlich albanischer Herkunft.
Jetzt zur Sache. Wenn man die von dir zitierten Quellen betrachtet (die Aussage von einer schwer als neutral zu sehenden Person, und die Berichte von Reisenden die nur über eine dünne Besiedlung sprechen, ohne das zu konkretisieren), versteht man, dass die Möglichkeit, dass der größte Teil der arabischen Bevölkerung am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts frisch eingewandert war, nur eine Theorie ist, ohne feste Beweisen oder sogar Indizien. Gibt es welche glaubwürdigen Daten, die die Bevölkerungsentwicklung in Region Palästina mit anderen Nachbarregionen im 19. Jahrhundert vergleichen, und zeigen dass der Bevölkerungszuwachs in Palästina so dramatisch höher als woanders war, so dass nur durch Zuwanderung und nicht durch die natürliche Bevölkerungsentwicklung bedingt sein könnte?
Nehmen wir aber an, dass es so ist. Das verändert nichts am Fakt, dass in der Zeit der Ausbreitung der nationalen Idee und der Selbstbestimmung die arabische Bevölkerung in der Mehrheit war, und so das erste Wort haben sollte.
Dass die "nicht-jüdische" Bevölkerung nicht gleich arabisch heißt, hast du Recht. Ich persönlich habe keine Daten, die beweisen, dass sie arabisch war, zumindest nicht für die osmanische Zeit (vielleicht könnte man etwas mit einiger Recherche finden). Wenn wir aber die ganze Region herum sehen, deren Bevölkerung in ihrer großer Mehrheit arabischsprachig ist, kann man sich sehr schwer vorstellen, dass es in Palästina anders war. Was war denn die Mehrheit der nicht-jüdischen Bevölkerung? Kurdisch? Türkisch? Griechisch? Alles würde schwer Sinn machen.
Warum das was Israel gemacht hat als ethnische Säuberung zu sehen ist, habe ich schon früher erklärt, wenn du willst, kann ich den spezifischen Teil wieder zitieren.
Hier aber auch der Auszug aus der berühmten Interview von Benny Morris, der diese Geschichte recherchiert hat:
According to your findings, how many acts of Israeli massacre were perpetrated in 1948?Twenty-four. In some cases four or five people were executed, in others the numbers were 70, 80, 100. There was also a great deal of arbitrary killing. Two old men are spotted walking in a field - they are shot. A woman is found in an abandoned village - she is shot. There are cases such as the village of Dawayima [in the Hebron region], in which a column entered the village with all guns blazing and killed anything that moved.The worst cases were Saliha (70-80 killed), Deir Yassin (100-110), Lod (250), Dawayima (hundreds) and perhaps Abu Shusha (70). There is no unequivocal proof of a large-scale massacre at Tantura, but war crimes were perpetrated there. At Jaffa there was a massacre about which nothing had been known until now. The same at Arab al Muwassi, in the north. About half of the acts of massacre were part of Operation Hiram [in the north, in October 1948]: at Safsaf, Saliha, Jish, Eilaboun, Arab al Muwasi, Deir al Asad, Majdal Krum, Sasa. In Operation Hiram there was a unusually high concentration of executions of people against a wall or next to a well in an orderly fashion.That can’t be chance. It’s a pattern. Apparently, various officers who took part in the operation understood that the expulsion order they received permitted them to do these deeds in order to encourage the population to take to the roads. The fact is that no one was punished for these acts of murder. Ben-Gurion silenced the matter. He covered up for the officers who did the massacres.What you are telling me here, as though by the way, is that in Operation Hiram there was a comprehensive and explicit expulsion order. Is that right?Yes. One of the revelations in the book is that on October 31, 1948, the commander of the Northern Front, Moshe Carmel, issued an order in writing to his units to expedite the removal of the Arab population. Carmel took this action immediately after a visit by Ben-Gurion to the Northern Command in Nazareth. There is no doubt in my mind that this order originated with Ben-Gurion. Just as the expulsion order for the city of Lod, which was signed by Yitzhak Rabin, was issued immediately after Ben-Gurion visited the headquarters of Operation Dani [July 1948].Are you saying that Ben-Gurion was personally responsible for a deliberate and systematic policy of mass expulsion?From April 1948, Ben-Gurion is projecting a message of transfer. There is no explicit order of his in writing, there is no orderly comprehensive policy, but there is an atmosphere of [population] transfer. The transfer idea is in the air. The entire leadership understands that this is the idea. The officer corps understands what is required of them. Under Ben-Gurion, a consensus of transfer is created.Ben-Gurion was a “transferist”?Of course. Ben-Gurion was a transferist. He understood that there could be no Jewish state with a large and hostile Arab minority in its midst. There would be no such state. It would not be able to exist.I don’t hear you condemning him.Ben-Gurion was right. If he had not done what he did, a state would not have come into being. That has to be clear. It is impossible to evade it. Without the uprooting of the Palestinians, a Jewish state would not have arisen here.
ARI SHAVIT - SURVIVAL OF THE FITTEST? AN INTERVIEW WITH BENNY MORRIS: LOGOS WINTER 2004
Auch eine andere relevante Frage: erlaubt Israel ganz klar den Rückehr der palästinensischen Flüchtlingen? Wurde ihr Vermögen nicht angetastet oder enteignet, und wird nur vom israelischen Staat geschützt, um zu den ursprünglichen Eigentümer zurückgegeben zu werden?
Ilan Pappe sagt dazu:
By that second week of June, urban Palestine was already lost and with it hundreds of the villages around the main towns were gone. Towns and villages alike were emptied by the Israeli forces. The people were driven out, many of them long before the Arab units entered Palestine, but the houses, shops, schools, mosques and hospitals were still there. What could not have escaped the UN observers is the sound of the tractors flattening these buildings and countryside landscape, now that there was no clatter of shooting around them.
What they heard and saw was adequately described as an “operation of cleansing” by the person appointed by the new regime of the land to oversee the whole operation, the head of the settlement division in the Jewish National Fund (JNF), Yosef Weitz. He duly reported to the leadership: “We have begun the operation of cleansing, removing the rubble and preparing the land for cultivation and settlement. Some of these [villages] will become parks.” He proudly scribbled in his diary his amazement of how unmoved he was by the sight of tractors destroying villages.
Thus, more villages came under the boot of the JNF and its tractors. The UN observers recorded quite methodically the dramatic transformation of Palestine from an Arab East Mediterranean countryside into a kaleidoscope of new Jewish colonies surrounded by European pine trees and huge water pipe systems draining the hundreds of creeks that flowed through the villages - erasing a panorama that can only be imagined today from several relatively untouched corners of the Galilee and the West Bank.In the beginning of October 1948, the UN observers had had enough. They decided to write an accumulative report to their secretary general. It was summed up in the following way. The Israeli policy, they explained to their boss, was made of “uprooting Arabs from their native villages in Palestine by force or threat”. It recorded the process quite in full and was sent to all the heads of the Arab delegations in the UN. The observers and the Arab diplomats tried to convince the UN secretary general to publish the report but to no avail.
But the report featured once more. A unique American diplomat, Mark Ethridge, the US representative in the Palestine Conciliation Commission (the body appointed by the UN in resolution 194 from 11 December 1948 to prepare a peace plan for post-Nakba Palestine) tried desperately to convince the world that some facts on the ground were still reversible and one of the means of stopping the transformation was repatriation of the refugees. When the PCC convened a peace conference in Lausanne in Switzerland in May 1949, he was the first American diplomat who pointed clearly to Israeli policy as the main obstacle to peace in Palestine. The Israeli leaders were arrogant, euphoric and unwilling to compromise or make peace, he told John Kimchi, the British journalist working at the time for Tribune.
Ethridge did not give up easily on the issue of repatriation. He had some original ideas. He thought that if he could satisfy Israel’s territorial appetite, it would enable some sort of normalisation in post-Mandatory Palestine. He therefore suggested that Israel would annex the Gaza Strip and cater for the refugees there, by allowing them to return to their homes in the villages and town of Palestine. Ben-Gurion liked the idea, as did most of his ministers. The Egyptian government was also in favour. One doubts whether Ben-Gurion would have allowed the refugees to stay in Gaza, but of course there is no telling.
Encouraged, Ethridge asserted that now his government could convince the Israelis to repatriate an additional significant number of refugees. Israel refused and the Americans denounced the “obstinacy” of the Israeli politicians and demanded that Israel would allow the return of many more Jews. The Americans decided to suspend the peace effort all together, unless Israel changed its mind; hard to believe today.
The Israeli Foreign Minister, Moshe Sharett, was worried about the American pressure that was accompanied by a threat of sanctions, and suggested that Israel would accept 100,000 refugees (but would drop the Gaza proposal). What is remarkable in hindsight is that American diplomats such as McGhee regarded both numbers - 250,000 refugees of Gaza and the 100,000 offered by Sharett - as insufficient. McGhee genuinely wished to see as many refugees return as possible since he believed the reality on the ground was still reversible.
The months went by and by the end of 1949, US pressure subsided. Jewish lobbying, the escalation of the cold war around the world and a UN focus on the fate of Jerusalem as a result of Israel’s defiance of its decisions to internationalise the city were probably the main reasons for this. It was only the Soviet Union that kept reminding the world through its ambassador to the UN, and Israel through bilateral correspondence, that the new reality Zionism created on the ground was still reversible. By the end of the year, Israel also retracted from its readiness to repatriate the 100,000 refugees.
The Nakba: A crime watched, ignored and remembered
Zur Frage der Juden in anderen arabischen Ländern: die arabischen Staaten haben sich tatsächlich sehr dumm zu diesem Thema gehandelt, und es gab in mehreren Fällen Druck, sogar Pogrome, Enteignung und Vertreibung. Trotzdem war das klar eine Reaktion zum Zionismus (was sie natürlich nicht weniger dumm oder schlimm war), und ohne den Zionismus würde es dazu nicht kommen. Es much aber klar sein, dass diese Zahl von 800000 keiner sofortige Vertreibung als Reaktion zur Nakba entspricht, sondern die totale Zahl, die von 1948 bis in die 70ern aus den arabischen Ländern ausgewandert hat, wofür es natürlich unterschiedliche Gründe gab. Für eine kurze Zusammenfassung:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jewish_exodus_from_Arab_and_Muslim_countries
Sogar bei harten zionistischen Quelle wird es klar, dass es nicht etwas ist, was in einem Zeitpunkt passiert ist:
The Expulsion of Jews from Muslim Countries
Dass die Juden eine Realität in Palästina sind, haben die Araber seit langem akzeptiert (eigentlich, vor dem Zionismus war das sowieso allgemein akzeptiert: problematisch wurde es nur, als die Juden das Land für sich beansrpucht haben). Mal sehen, ob irgendwann die Israelis akzeptieren, dass auch die Araber die gleichen politischen Rechte wie sie auf Palästina haben dürfen.